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The religion of natives was most in detail considered Spenser and Gillen [1938], Radkliffom-Braunom [1945; 1952], Уорнером [1937-1958], Ilishn [1933; 1954], R.Berndtoi [1951а and 1952а], Shtrelov [1947], Stanner [1958; 1959 1961]. All agree with Durgeim [1915-1954], That the essence of religion of natives makes totem. Religion of natives Has actually received the name totem, and on this theme it has been written It is a lot of the works based on the information, received at second hand. Classical and brilliant work Durgeim had this lack. It not only has been written direct acquaintance with native Australia, but also suffered also from limitation of sources of the information. Radkliff-Braun completely relied on theoretical work Durgeim. However the given work has no the purpose to give the critical analysis Works of these authors. It is necessary to familiarise also with Schmidt's works [1909; 1926-1935], Roheim [1925], Hekel [1950].


Totem - the term difficult as it used in various values. However it has deeply taken roots, and any attempt to replace with its another only would increase mess. Definition totem, given by Elkinom [1954, with. 133], is most successful of all available: "the Sight at the nature and a life, on the Universe and the person, a sight characterising mythology of natives and influencing their social relations, feeding their ceremonies and connecting natives with the past. It connects natives with natural phenomena and its inhabitants in a single whole which components give each other a life". Also adds:" totem is a system of mutual relations between an individual or group of individuals and object of the nature or one of its animal or vegetative kinds as a nature part ". In general the essence totem is made in a sight at the peace according to which the person is a nature integral part, has no sharp differences from other live kinds and possesses the same vital essence." In the beginning "various animals, plants and the person yet had no those forms in which we know them during the present time. They were amorphous beings. It were or not absolutely people, or superpeople, depending on our sight at them. The vital essence which they possessed, was shown not only in the human form, but also in the form of other live beings, plants or even inanimate subjects. The Ancestor-goana could look as the usual person, but simultaneously possessed potential ability to change the shape and to accept an appearance goana. Such identification of the person and animals, plants or subjects in the mythical past, is a source of representations about their close affinity in the present. Thanks to connection of the person and goana in one being during mythical times as natives speak, in the present there is a special communication between certain people and a certain kind goana.


The unity of the person and its natural environment covers everything, however it is expressed in the limited communications having personal or narrowly group character. We will assume, the certain ceremony on purpose is made to increase quantity goans; it, as a rule, does not consist simply in performance of some actions which will cause desirable results though sometimes and can so to seem. It is considered that the ceremony will be effective under condition of affinity between one or more representatives of this community where the ceremony is spent, and the mythical ancestor - goan. In this connection producing ceremonies in which basis lie totemic representations, are more often classified as religious, rather than as magic, or at least - as religious-magic.

The personal name can be obliged the origin totem with which the individual is connected, is frequent ceremonial or cult totem, got or inherited from (its) its father. And on conditions of the certain taboos connected with mourning deceased, its close relatives should avoid to use in food or to use somehow differently plants or animals which were totems the dead and with which he has been obliged by an origin of the name, or should pick up for them new names. In quality totems can appear not only animals, birds, reptiles, plants, the sun, the moon, etc. How has been got totem, the newborn baby, any spirit, a ground, a sacred subject or even such concepts, as heat, a cold, vomiting, the sexual intercourse, various illnesses can appear it. The individual can have one main totem and a little minor.


The representations characterised in a broad sense as totemic, can accept various forms. They can be classified under the scheme offered by Elkinom [1933; 1954, with. 136-155]. We will adhere to this scheme. But it does not mean that totemic we will find all named kinds in each community of natives. Not always natives distinguish all these a category. Kinds totemic do not exclude representations each other. In a number of areas for them separate names are accepted.



In case of individual totemic in special relations with a live kind or any representative of a kind there is only one person. These relations personal, usually with anybody do not divide them and do not descend, though the last is not excluded: totem can be passed the young man at a ceremony as it becomes in a tribe of Vuraderi [Hauitt,-1904, with. 144]. Elkin one kind individual totems "totemami-assistants" when defined totemic Animal or any other being is considered to the "relatives" has named, to the second "I" of the sorcerer and "help" it with its magic affairs. In the same tribe of Vuraderi the sorcerer can withdraw from the basic camp of the child of years ten or twelve and "instal" in it by means of magic singing of the totema-assistant (ball, - or caravadieva that "meat", or "totem inside", or "spirit of animal" means). In this case ball on the origin communication of the ancestor and the descendant is support only men. Хауитт I the Ale-kid [1933] confirm, what is it widespread in the New Southern Wales. In the Central, Northern and Northwest Australia sorcerers are considered closely connected with as spirits of snakes which, in turn, associate with a mythical Rainbow. In the west of manufacture Arnhemland there are founders of songs or the singers specialising on songs in whom it is a question of modern people (see the chapter X). Such singer usually attributes authorship of each new song not to hereditary "close" spirit or totemic to an animal, sung to it this song in the sleep.



Each floor can have the emblem, for example a bird, an animal etc. which traditionally testifies to the generality of same-gender persons separating them from individuals of an opposite sex. To wound or kill such totemic an animal - means to throw down a challenge to members of that floor with whom the animal associates; the attack on totemic an animal is considered as an attack on the person. The most considerable example sexual totemic is given by Hauittom [1904, with. 148 151]. In a tribe of Kurnai (Givspend) there are two such emblems - two birds: one - totem men, another - women, and both those and others consider these birds accordingly as the big brother and elder sister.

At natives of Kurnai it is accepted to conclude marriage after runaway of the young; it is authorised to girls to reject undesirable applicants. Not identity man's and female totems helps to overcome constraint and shyness of young men entering age of consent. Old women of a tribe can leave from camp and kill a bird who is man's totem, and then with a call to show it. It infuriates men, and between young men and women fight begins. After the young man can meet the young woman and name her name female totem, having asked, than its totem-sister eats. Its answer can be:" She eats a kangaroo "or" She eats opossums ". It means the formal consent to marry then the young make runaway. As Elkin [1933 marks, with. 132] though the similar custom meets and in other places," basically it is characteristic for the southeast of Australia where half and matriarchal social totemic clans "are extended matriarchal.




In the chapter I we considered division into half - matriarchal and patriarchal. Each half can recognise special communication with any being - an animal, a bird etc., which patronises members of this half. This widespread Australia at natives. Most typical it as Elkin underlines, for southeast (Hauitt, J. Matthews and others result examples) and southwest areas of the country. In many cases totemic half is shown in other forms. In the northeast p-ova Arpemlend, for example, everything that is in the nature (animals, birds, the moon, the sun, the rivers, stones, etc.), it is equal as well as all mythical images, it is distributed between two half. Hundreds subjects which could be designated as totemic are connected with each half. Matrilinejnye half of western part p-ova are subdivided by Arpemlend into Fratrii, each of which associates with one or several totems.




As we remember from chapters II, a number of the Australian tribes shares on four or eight categories on the basis of indirect matriarchal bills of an origin. Each of these categories can traditionally associate or be identified with one or several phenomena of the nature, animals, plants and so on, representing members of each of these groups and distinguishing them from each other. In the east of Kimberlja related communications carry totemic character [Elkin, 1933, with. 136]. In the northeast of Arnhemland for each subsection is available a little associating with it totems: in a subsection of Vamud it is an eagle, in Buralang - a mountain kangaroo, a heron, an albatross, Vallabi etc. As, however, system of subsections - an innovation for this area, totemic subsections has not intertwined still with cult totemic clans and linguistic associations. In the east of Kimberley [Kaberri, 1939, with. 196] the relation to totems subsections (naragu) "has not been noted by any appreciable respect". With them it has not been connected also any taboos, to them concerned simply as namesakes.




The clan, or group of the people conducting the general origin on man's or on a female line, can be considered too connected as special relations with one or several animals, plants etc. Clan totem serves as an accessory symbol to this association both for persons entering into it, and for members of other associations, totem a clan can warn people about an approaching trouble or danger, it can be also the centre of a ceremonial life, being is closely connected with certain territory and mythology.

Elkin [1933, with. 136-139] spends distinction between matriarchal social clan totemic and patriarchal. The first of them is extended among natives in the east of Australia, in Queensland, in the New Southern Wales, in Victoria's western part, in east areas of South Australia and in small territory of a southwest part of Western Australia. The general term for these planned totems is translated often as "flesh" or "meat", symbolising that the person and it totem represent itself "a uniform flesh". One of distinctions between matriarchal Fratrijami of the western part p-ova Arnhemland and matriarchal social totemic clans consists that belonging to the first of them totems are not in the centre of a cult life and do not use special respect of clansmen. An example social clan totemic is Mardu of a tribe of Dieri. It actually Avunkulinejnyj cult totem (i.e. totem which is passed in the area of the brother of mother); in this tribe exists also patriarchal clan cult totem Bindara. Patriarchal planned totemic it is possible to meet in some areas of Western Australia, in Northern Territory, on p-ove Cape York peninsula, in coastal areas of the New Southern Wales and Queensland, in Victoria's central part, in the northeast of Australia, at natives of vicinities of the lake of Ejr, in lower reaches of the river Murray and in area Kuronga. The brightest examples meet in last of the named areas, in tribes of Jaraldi, Dangani, etc. [Tepli - m.: Vuds, 1879; Radkliff-Braun, 1918], and in the northeast of Arnhemland [Uorner, 1937-1958; Bernt R., 1951а; 1952а]. And in east part of Arnhemland a little totemic cults can exist in one clan connected with several linguistic associations (sm, the chapter II). Are less brightly expressed, on nevertheless there are combinations totems in clans of the Central Australia.




In this case the group of people possesses the general totem owing to that all of them connect themselves with a certain ground, - other words, totem the group is under construction by a local principle, and not by a principle of relationship or the general origin. Totem or the complex totems belongs to a certain ground or is somehow connected with it. Elkin [1933, with. 138-143] for the first time has noted it, considering totem clans of the central and western areas of South Australia. More often, especially on territories of the Big Victoria desert, an accessory to totem to group it is defined by the birthplace of the native; in such case it is also totemic on the birthplace. In force of that that by tradition childbirth almost always occurs in territory of local group of the father, in this case it is necessary to speak about patriarchal local (cult) totemic. The main distinction between local totemic and patriarchal cult clan totemic consists that in the first case the origin question is not is paramount important, despite the fact that what as Elkin marks, "there is a tendency of transformation local totemic in patriarchal". The brightest example of it can be gathered at a tribe Aranda, but in this case the accessory to local cult totem to group is defined by a conception place, instead of the birthplace. It means that the person, in force of that that its conception as it is considered, has occurred in a certain place which the mythology connects with defined totem or a sacred mythical being, receives this totem and belongs to corresponding totem to group. Elkin notices that communication of the person with other persons entering into same totemic group in a place of conception, from this point of view has secondary character and paramount value is given to communication of the person with it totem. However that circumstance that various people irrespective of the genealogical communications possess one totem, rallies them.




Totemic conceptions can be identified with local totemic. It means that ceremonial, or cult, totem (totems) the child is defined by those totemic representations which are connected with a place where mother has felt for the first time the pregnancy. So natives of Aranda receive the totem. The territory where during mythical times there passed totemic the ancestor or sacred spirit can be a place defining totem.

It can be a place in which, under the legend, there were certain mythological events, more often, but not always connected with ceremonial, or cult, totems the father of the child. Shtrelov [1947, with. 86-96] writes: "Possession sacred Churingoj... It is in many respects defined by accident which anybody from the senior men of a tribe cannot check, and eliminate; solving the place of conception of each separate member patriarchal totemic a clan here is. Totemic clans from which there are separate individuals, possess some rights to local Churingi. However the conception place posesses the main solving role in all difficult disputes on that. Who particularly posesses myths, to a song, ceremonies and the sacred subjects which are in possession each large local totemic of clan..."

At the same time, on, to the representations extended in separate areas, the man can dream about the child before the future mother feels the pregnant woman, i.e. he can "learn" in advance that the spirit of the child "should enter into his wife" [Elkin, 1954, with. 152]. The spirit of the child in the sleep can be to the father together with any being or a natural phenomenon which usually totemic is connected with the father of the future child - with its communal territory go with social grouping. This being or a natural phenomenon also will be totem conceptions of the child. Or the future mother after she will eat certain meal, it can become bad, and later it will dream about spirit of the child. Then that plant or an animal, which meat so has affected it, will be totem conceptions as it is considered that the baby has got to mother together with this meal or in the form of it. Sometimes, however, representations about spirit of the child can and but have totemic associations. In the northeast of Arnhemland communication of spirit of the child with totem though it also takes the form of any natural kind, not direct, but indirect and does not define directly totem the future child. In the Big Victoria desert dwellings of spirits of children are not totemic though spirits of children mythical beings have placed there and they are indirectly connected with the Eternal period of dreams. In the east of Kimberley, according to Kaberri [1939, with. 42], spirits-children have been created by the Snake-rainbow, with the allocated human qualities of animals, subjects, the phenomena, mythological creations shape; in representation area Balgo about spirits-children have accurate totemic character and associate with places mentioned in myths.




It is such form тотемизма at which ceremonial, cult, тотем the child it is defined by a place of its birth, instead of "a conception place" (i.e. not a place where mother has felt for the first time that it is pregnant). In the big Victoria desert the native tries to make so that his wife has given birth to the child in its territory, it is desirable in that place or nearby with it where took place at the time of dreams a way mythical (totemic) the beings, the future child most closely connected with the father.




Totemic dreams partially coincides with some other versions totemic, for example with such at which people possess individual totems or totemami-assistants, with totemic conceptions and totemic on the birthplace. In dreams (and another's) the person can is constant to be in the form of any animal or natural phenomenon with which as consider, it is connected most closely. The person can identify itself with defined totemic a being, and in its own dreams and in dreams of other people acts of it of a being are considered as action of the person, etc. Or, on the contrary, totem dreams "I" can not be considered as the second the person, he can visit the person in the sleep and render it certain services. As examples "relatives" or spirits - "friends" of singers and authors of songs spirits - can serve in the Western Arnhemland and spirits - assistants to sorcerers. As to the first the individual can appear in an image of spirit - of "friend" or spirit - "close", i.e. In image тотема dreams, and after death. In many areas of Australia ceremonial, or cult, totem the person is that being which is to it in the sleep more often. Such representations for northeast areas p-ova Arnhemland, but not for the Big Victoria desert though there totem and a dream are designated by the same word are especially characteristic.




Plural totemic sometimes name the classification; it can be connected with other versions totemic (especially with totemic half, clans, sections or subsections, Fratry or with local totemic). All Universe is systematised on this basis. To the main thing totem the special attention, usually ritual character which generates the similar approach and to minor totems is shown. This version totemic is extended enough, but a little studied [see: Elkin, 1954, with. 1/10, 153-154; Sharp, 1939, with. 268-275].

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